Topics

16

The Monson Blog / Motor Cars on the Monson

« on: February 23, 2012, 12:43:11 PM »

   After the War-to-End-All-Wars was over in November of 1918,  the automobile began to really put a dent in the Monson’s passenger revenue.  Like the other Maine two footers, the Monson was looking for ways to cut their expenses in the form of motorized railroad vehicles. At about this time, Sam Sewall, supt. of the WW&F bought a 1917 Model T for conversion to a motor car.  Some of the other roads also tinkered with this idea soon after in the ‘20’s, most of which ended up using a factory built chassis and a home built body.
   In a letter dated May 23, 1919 to the Laconia Car Company, Supt.Morrill states that “We are considering the advisibility of using a small motor (gasoline) car for use on our road to haul passengers and mail. We do not have more than 12 to 15 passengers as a rule on any of our trains and a motor car that could be handled by one man would be much cheaper for us to operate than a locomotive and a car which takes three men.”  He enquired if they knew of the address of any “parties who would build such equipment.”
   Similar letters were sent out to Buyers Index Company, Railway Storage Battery Car Company, Harvey Motor Truck Company, Fairmont Gas Engine and Railway Motor Car Company and Northwestern Motor Company.
   Just a few days later on May 28th, Morrill advised Mr. Wier, treasurer of the Monson, that the Unity Car Company is “building a unit car operated by kerosene,” and that the Laconia Car Company is building six bodies for them.
   The next several weeks saw correspondence with Unity and Laconia through treasurer Weir.  Dimensions of Monson’s Combine No. 3 were shared with the idea of building a motor car similar to the combine. Unity’s plan was to “have an engine and boiler like the Stanley Steamer attached to the truck frame.”  However Morrill goes on to say that “I would not think it a very practical idea, but it would do no harm to look into it.”
   Evidently the Monson brass looked into it and decided against a motor car, as no further mention of it is in the letter press files. Monson never had any motorized car except the work car home-built by Elwin French (a future blog).
   However it is a little intriguing to imagine a combine like the Monson’s with a Stanley Steamer type of drive!

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The Monson Blog / Side Ladders On Monson Boxcars: Labor Saving Device?

« on: February 16, 2012, 12:05:44 PM »

   The Monson is known for doing things a little different.  Take their boxcars for instance.  The Monson boxcars are distinctive in that they have ladders mounted to the left of their sliding doors as well as the usual grab irons on the ends of the boxcars. The side ladders on Monson boxcars seem to be fairly unique in the Maine two-foot gauge practice. There are numerous photos of these on pages 119-123 in the Jones book.
   The original Boxcars No’s 1 and 2 were built by Laconia.  Fairly early on, No’s 3 and 4 were converted from flatcars and eventually No’s 5,6,7 and 8 were converted from flatcars to boxcars by the Monson Shops. Boxcar 2 was unique in that it had a ladder on the “A” end.  My Monson book published in 1988 has quite a bit of boxcar detail data.
   The earliest boxcar photos show the side ladder on at least one of them.  Maybe they were original to the first two built by Laconia, and the Monson Shops followed suit with their rebuilds.  But there had to be a practical reason.  Looking carefully at the photos, curiously, there are no stirrups under each ladder. Some of the first rungs are about a foot above the deck, others are even with the deck. That would be way too high for a trainman to mount from the ground.   
        So this begs the question….why were ladders bolted on the side of the cars?
        A theory….when Monson rolling stock were switched to the transfer track at Monson Junction, they were on a slight grade.  The incline was so the Monson car doors would come up to the level of the standard gauge car doors, making it easier to transfer freight.  The Monson car brakes were set and the cars were left for the transfer crews.                 After one car’s contents were transferred to a standard gauge car, was it more convienient for a transfer crew member to swing out the door, grab the ladder and climb up the ladder to the roof? He could then release the brakes and let the cars roll down so the next car could transfer to a standard gauge boxcar.  No need for motive power.  It would eliminate having to get down on the ground (in deep snow), go around to the end of the car and climb up on the roof using the conventional grab irons, then down the same way.
       Maybe….. maybe not……lets hear from you folks!

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The Monson Blog / Government Control of the Monson: The USRA

« on: February 09, 2012, 12:28:57 PM »

         In a letter from Supt. Morrill to Charles Wier, treasurer of the Monson Railroad whose corporate offices were in Lowell Mass, Morrill indicates that a letter from the USRA “relinguishes this road from government control”.  This letter was dated July 3, 1918.  Lets take a brief look at what was the USRA.
         The United States Railroad Administration (USRA) was the name of the nationalized railroad system of the United States between 1917 and 1920. It was a huge experiment with nationalization of an industry, and was deemed necessary because of  the looming World War.
         On April 6, 1917 the United States entered World War One.  It quickly became apparent that there were a lot of inadequacies in terminals, trackage and rolling stock all across the nation.  In December of 1917 the Interstate Commerce Commission recommended federal control of the railroads to ensure efficient operations in the transportation of war material and on December 26, 1917, President Wilson issued the order for nationalization.
         Huge changes came quickly. Terminals were shared, costly passenger services were cut back, assets were pooled and even ticketing was standardized. On March 21, 1918 the Railway Administration Act became law, and Wilson's 1917 nationalization order was affirmed. The act provided that control of the former owners would be reinstated within 21 months after the peace signing (which in this case was November 11, 1918). The USRA's authority ended on March 1, 1920.
         So how did the government takeover effect the Monson in the six months under USRA control?  Probably not much.  There is very little reference to this in the letterpress correspondence.  Notice that control was relinguished five months before the armistice in November of 1918…I wonder why.  According to correspondence, the ICC seemed to try to exert a much greater control over a longer period of time than the USRA ever did.

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The Monson Blog / Harold Morrill: Real Estate Agent?

« on: February 02, 2012, 12:11:23 PM »

   Most students of the Monson know that from 1905 on, Superintendent Morrill wore a great many hats in the company as well as in his community.  However it turns out he was a bit of a real estate agent as well.
   On March 26, 1906, Morrill responds to Mr. C.C. Brown, GP & TA of the B&A Railroad.  Mr. Brown wanted to know if any cottages were for rent in Monson.  Morrill’s reply was YES!  H.E. Pullen had 5 sleeping rooms; Mrs. Marion Crosby,3; Mrs. Harriet Crafts, 2; Mrs. Frank Towne, 1; B.B. Stewart, 2; R.T. Thomas, 2; A. W. Rarrar, 2 and H. E. Smith, 1.  Morrill goes on to say that “I should be glad to have all of these occupied the coming season if possible.”  Sounds like he had a vested interest in having these occupied.
   Lets go on to February 14, 1914, this time a reply to George Houghton P.T.M. of the B&A Railroad.  A B&A customer wanted to buy land on Lake Hebron.  Morrill states that Mrs. Sybil Smith owns a farm which borders on the lake and is willing to sell lots.  Also another cottage belonging to C.A. Emerson is for sale on the opposite side of the lake. Morrill goes on to state that “I will be glad to assist your party in any way possible if he should come here to look these properties over.”
   Then on May 16, 1919,  he responds from a request, again from Mr. Houghton (B&A), that the Pullen cottage situated on Lake Hebron is available from mid-July to mid-August. The cottage has a large living room with a fireplace, kitchen and four sleeping rooms. All bedding except sheets is furnished.  Wood, ice and one boat go with the cottage but canoes were extra.  The price of the cottage was one dollar per day!
   The interesting thing here is this was all recorded in the Monson Railroad letterpress, not Harold Morrill, Real Estate Agent Inc.  At this time the B&A was very much involved with bringing folks from away to the north woods as evidenced by their publishing of In The Maine Woods, a magazine which promoted hunting fishing and other forms of outdoor recreation and is a collectable today.
   So Mr. Morrill certainly had his hand in the local real estate scene. Maybe the Monson took a lesson from the B&A and promoted their own little piece in paradise!   

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The Monson Blog / Neither Snow Nor Rain…Monson Railroad Carries the Mail

« on: January 26, 2012, 12:09:44 PM »

          “Neither snow nor rain nor heat nor gloom of night stays these couriers from the swift completion of their appointed rounds.” This inscription is on the James A. Farley Post Office Building which is the main post office building in New York City. Built in 1912, the building is famous for bearing this inscription.  However these moving words were an invention of the architects, and never was or is the official motto of the US Post Office Dept.
           What’s this got to do with the Monson? On September 26, 1918, Supt. Morrill wrote a letter to the Second Assistant Postmaster in Washington DC and he wasn’t pleased. The Monson had the government contract to carry the mail from the Junction to Monson Station for $24.58 a month.  But it seems the government expected the railroad to convey it from the Station to the PO on the Monson’s tab. Evidently the Monson had an agreement with someone local to carry it from the station to the PO.
           But the locals smelled a lucrative government contract. It is unknown how much the Monson was paying someone to carry the mail from the station to the PO, but whoever it was, they wanted a raise.  The carrier wanted $35 a month to carry the mail one quarter of a mile from the station to the PO after the Monson carried it 6.16 miles from the Junction for $24.58  a month. Morrill states that they “were unable to get a lower bid”. So the Monson would be in the hole $10.42 every month for the privilege of carrying the mail.
          Morrill goes on to say “It just seems unjust to ask us to lose money in this way.  We will haul the mail to and from Monson Jct. for the sum of twenty four and 58/100 dollars per month, but feel that the government should attend to the delivery to the post office.” He ends the letter with “We make the above as a definite proposition and await your reply to same.” 
          I wonder what the reply was?  It may be buried in the Monson archives.  I’ll keep looking!
          The Monson did pretty well living up to the second, third and fourth obstacles mentioned in the inspiring words on the Farley building. However at times they had trouble with the first one: snow.  I’ll address that later this winter.
          Back in the late ‘80’s a good friend of mine and I had a chance to buy the last known mail bag the Monson had.  My friend’s father was the owner of what was left of the Monson after 1945 and he remembered that mail bag hanging in the station.  He refused to buy it as he thought the bag may have been removed from the station somewhat suspiciously.  I still wish we had bought it though as it would be back with one of us where it belonged. I still kick myself!

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The Monson Blog / Monson Railroad Lanterns: Shedding Some Light

« on: January 19, 2012, 12:05:41 PM »

   Ever wonder what the Monson used for railroad lanterns?  On October 16, 1911 Morrill sent a letter to the Sherburne Company returning two DOZEN lantern globes which the company had sent to the Monson.  Morrill explains very curtly that “we ordered “vesta” globes and the ones you sent us are the common railroad lantern globes.”
   Morrill went on to say that “our order was very plain” and assumes that the company (Sherburne) didn’t have them in stock but sent the wrong ones anyway.  Kinda sounds like today’s mail order!  Anyway he told them that he was “ordering direct from the manufacturers.”  So much for that business relationship!
   But the real little nugget in the whole letter is that evidently the Monson used Vesta lanterns made by R.E. Dietz Company.
        The "Vesta" was a popular line of brakeman's lantern manufactured by the R.E. Dietz Company over a period of many decades.  The name "Vesta" was applied by Dietz to a long series of lanterns. The original version was introduced in 1896 and by 1907 there were at least two different versions: some in the “hi-top” version, some in the “lo-top” version. However the vestas all had a very similar look.  I wonder what the Monson had before 1896…whale oil?  My father collected railroad lanterns and he had several whale oil railroad lanterns. Other major manufacturers of railroad lanterns were Dressel and Adlake.
        I seriously doubt if the Monson had their lanterns stamped “MRR”, knowing the thriftyness of the company.  And “2 dozen globes”?  Were the train crews hard on their lanterns?  If anyone has a bonifide Monson Railroad lantern, it’s sure a rarity! Some of you collectors out there I’m sure can shed more light on this subject!

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The Monson Blog / Light Rail and Cedar Ties

« on: January 12, 2012, 12:39:30 PM »

        The Monson Railroad was originally built with 30 pound Bessemer rail with a small amount of 35 pound Bessemer relay for some of the yard trackage.  Records don’t say why some of the heavier rail was used for yards and the lighter rail used for the main. Probably the relay was cheaper.
   Bessemer steel started as molten iron which went through the process (invented in 1856 by Henry Bessemer) of having a strong blast of compressed air forced through the molten iron in a crucible, called a Bessemer Converter, thus removing the carbon and silicon impurities making the iron into much stronger steel.  Later, limestone was added to remove still other impurities such as phosphorus, improving on the steel.
   By 1884 wrought iron rails ceased to be made in favor of the new higher strength Bessemer steel.  In that year, over one million tons of Bessemer steel were sold at or around the price of $32 per ton.  A little math results in some interesting figures….
        It took 325 tons of rail to lay Monson’s mainline and 152 tons to lay the sidings, yards and branches.  These added figures comes out to around 477 tons of rail to build the Monson. Cost of $32 per ton comes out to $15,285.
   Now for the ties…..the original Monson ties were hand hewed cedar measuring 5x5x 4 ½ feet long.  They were laid down in the usual fashion, without tie plates, about every two feet for an average of 2662 ties per mile.  In later years when they replaced 1000 ties in 1913 they were probably sawed.  Imagine taking an adz and hand hewing railroad ties……. and for a mere 12 cents each!  But it all adds up.  In 1897 and 98,  2200 cedar ties were replaced. That is $ 264 worth. A small fortune then…..but one heck of a lot of work!

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The Monson Blog / I have a piece of slate under my coffee cup

« on: January 05, 2012, 12:29:10 PM »

   I have a thin piece of slate under my coffee cup.  It came from the Hebron Pond Quarry immediately west of Monson and I use it as a coaster.  Lets look at what this slate is and why it was so valuable to the Monson Railroad and the area’s economy.
        The slate itself is very dark gray, with a slightly purplish hue.  The make-up of this slate (probably only the geologists will love this),  arranged in the order of their decreasing abundance are: muscovite (sericite),  quartz,  chlorite,  biotite,  pyrite, carbonaceous or graphitic matter,  magnetite,  rutile and apatite. A cubic foot weighs in at around 178 pounds.  It can be relatively easily cut, planed and polished.
        Before WWII, Monson slate was used for just about anything from electric switch boards to register borders, blackboards, refrigerator shelves, sinks and bathroom fixtures.   However one product that you still see quite often are roofing shingles.  Hundreds of buildings in Maine still have those slate shingles.  Most of them started their journey on the Monson.
        Monson slate shingles varied some, but generally they were 3/16"  to 3/8 thick with varying widths of  8" to 14" and a length between 18" and 24".  Each slate has a rough beveled edge and pre-punched nail holes.  One slate shingle I own is 3/16 inch thick, weighs one pound 9 oz and measures 8 ¼ by 12 ¼ inches.
        There are numerous pictures published of crated slate products as well as uncrated shingles.  On page 86 of the Jones book, Albin Johnson and Elwin French are annoyed by a minor derailment of a load of uncrated shingles and on page 124 Superintendent Harold Morrill inspects a shingle from a flatcar load.
   Also there are several interesting websites concerning Monson Slate. There is a lot of info at  http://quarriesandbeyond.org/states/me/me-slate_1914.html  and the Monson Maine Slate Company (2005) produced a short video.  It is at
http://www.monsonslate.com/history.html and is a nice video however it mentions slaves coming to Monson to work the slate (which I never heard of).  Unfortunately it doesn’t mention at all the hundreds of Swedish and Finnish people who came to quarry the slate for generations, leaving behind an awesome legacy.  Many of their descendents still live in the area. 
   The slate companies really were the reason why the Monson Railroad existed.  More on that in a future blog.

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The Monson Blog / Merry Christmas, Mrs. Pullen

« on: December 29, 2011, 01:16:48 PM »

        The “up” train squealed to a stop with a hiss of air and a cloud of steam.  Conductor Len Gerrish sang out “Monson Junction!  All folks off for Monson Junction!  If you’re goin’ to Monson this is your stop! Watch your step, its getting’ dark!”
        Dece Pullen got up from her seat and followed the few passengers out to the coach platform, down the car steps and onto the station platform.  She could see station agent Giles Fogg through the frosted up station windows attending to customers. 
   It was just a few steps around the right side of the Junction Station, through the door and then into the station. 
        “Hello Giles!” greeted Dece.  “How’s the family?” 
        “And how are you Mrs. Pullen?” replied the station master.
   “I’m just coming back from Livermore Falls visiting my Mother.  I imagine Fred is needin’ me about now with our three boys. He’s just finishin’ a bobsled for the boys for Christmas. He’ll be meetin’ me there with the team”, Dece replied.
   “Well you’ll be home in about fifteen minutes” replied station master Fogg.  “That will be 25 cents, seein’ you’ll be getting off at Days. And a Merry Christmas to you Mrs. Pullen!”
        “ And a merry Christmas to you Giles!” replied Dece.   
   From the station it was a short walk to the waiting Monson train.  She noticed it was just the locomotive and the combination car tonight.  It was easy getting on the narrow gauge coach. It took only one step up on the car platform, through the door and then a seat on the long bench type seats.  It was warm with the stove in the other end of the passenger compartment.  A kerosene lamp mounted on the baggage compartment wall, shed a dim but warm light through out the compartment.
   Dece spotted her friend Barbara Flanders and sat down beside her and immediately dove into conversation.
   Two toots of the whistle and they were off.  The engine crew blew for the Greenville road crossing and then there was some pretty heavy puffing from the locomotive.  It was a heavy grade from the junction for quite a spell.  But this didn’t concern Dece.  She was already in a deep conversation with her friend exchanging the latest on their families.
   “Good evening ladies,” greeted Harold Morrill conductor.  “Looks like we’ll make it to Monson this time!” This was a good-natured joke familiar to all who rode the train. Some of them had even spent a night at Dece Pullen’s when the train got stuck in the snow at Day’s Crossing. Both ladies surrendered their tickets for punching and Mr. Morrill moved on to the other passengers. Most of the passengers on board had at one time or another not made it to Monson due to heavy snow.   
          It wasn’t long, or so it seemed to Dece who was still in deep conversation, that the train was slowing down. The crew stopped the train right at the crossing where Fred was waiting with the sleigh.  Dece got up, worked her way down the isle and out on the coach platform.
    “A Merry Christmas to you and Hattie, Mr. Morrill!” greeted Dece.
   “And a Merry Christmas Mrs. Pullen and to Fred and the boys!”  called Morrill from the platform.
   Two toots from the locomotive and the train was on its way, disappearing in the dark and swirling snow.  It was good to be home.

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The Monson Blog / Brief Flurries of Wanderlust Talk: The Extension to Wellington Part 2

« on: December 22, 2011, 12:17:10 PM »

   Last week’s blog discussed Monson’s proposed extension to Greenville and Wellington.  The grand scheme failed. Lets look at some of the reasons why this may have failed and explore the possible routes to Wellington.
   In the Robert Jones’ book, he stated that not all of the original $70,000 worth of stock was bought. That original issue of stock fell short, however on April 1, 1884 another $70,000 was issued but this time sold quickly. There must have been a huge debt from the original construction which the company was struggling to pay on. In fiscal 1885 the railroad lost $3197.00. And then while this was going on, they wanted to issue another staggering $700,000? Sounds like a good investment? The investors may have thought that if they were struggling to pay on the $70,000, how could they pay back $700,000? Maybe the directors went ahead anyway…..could this be the father of the “holy tearing funded debt” that the Monson managed to accrue that Moody speaks of on pages 147 thru 150?
         Another major problem was that the Monson had to cross to the west side of the Bangor & Piscataquis (later the B&A) at some point to get to Wellington, since the Monson was on the east side of the B&P. The B&P was well established by 1886, the time of this proposal.  I doubt that the B&P would have gladly given permission to have the new Monson extension cross their tracks, especially when the new extension would take away from their business.
         The Panic of 1873 still may have been fresh in the minds of investors. During that period, a series of recessions happened: The New York Stock Exchange closed for ten days; of the country's 364 railroads, 89 went bankrupt; a total of 18,000 businesses failed between 1873 and 1875 and unemployment reached 14% by 1876. However recovery happened in the early 1880’s. Economist Milton Friedman states that “in the 1880’s the highest rate of growth for a decade of real reproducible, tangible wealth per person from 1805 to 1950 was apparently reached in the eighties.” So by 1886-7 they were back on a roll again financially. Maybe optimism was the only real commodity in this extension proposal. Any, all, or none of these reasons may have been what really happened. 
Route to Wellington.............
         Looking at the historical topos, and even the modern ones of today, a route west from Monson Jct. was problematic due to the Walker Ridge/Brown Hill mass on the west side of the river valley. There was no practical way out of the Piscataquis River Valley for a reasonable railroad grade going west.
        The only solution was to go south, cross the B&A and the Piscataquis River fairly soon and continue about 1.8  miles to Kingsbury Stream in Abbot Village.  From here it could have turned south west and run along the banks of Kingsbury Stream, entering the northwest edge of Parkman before turning more northwesterly and then westerly to Kingsbury.  From Kingsbury the route could turn southerly around Foss Hill, skirt Wellington Bog and follow the bog outlet valley down to Wellington. It’s an interesting exercise tracing this possible route. For anyone who has tramped around in the Kingsbury Stream area, it’s pretty rugged country.  There would have had to be numerous bridges and culverts. $20,000 a mile for construction?  I seriously doubt it.  I’ll leave the possible S&M route from Wellington to Harmony for someone else.

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The Monson Blog / Brief Flurries of Wanderlust Talk: The Extension to Wellington

« on: December 15, 2011, 12:05:41 PM »

   Most railroads, in their beginnings, had grandiose dreams of expansion to far away places.  Probably a lot of this came from a little greed on the part of the railroad’s financial fathers.  The Maine two-footers were no exception.  Linwood Moody states that the Monson had these “brief flurries of wanderlust talk” also.
   A promotional pamphlet published by Mitchell Construction Company described Monson’s proposal for expansion in 1887.  It was printed by the Monson Weekly Slate, the local newspaper.
   In late 1885, the Maine Legislature authorized to extend the Monson Railroad in two directions. The northern extension would run from Monson Village, through Shirley and then Greenville, connecting with the CP.  There doesn’t seem to be as much information concerning the northern extension as there is with the south. The southern extension however would be built from Monson Jct. to Parkman, Kingsbury and into Wellington 15 miles away to the south.  It was supposed to hook up with the Sebasticook & Moosehead Railroad (S&M) which was laying rail up from Pittsfield and had already arrived at Hartland.  The idea was to build a shorter, more direct route between the CP and MEC.  Of course this would have diverted traffic from the B&A.  The proposal would have created the hypotuneuse of the triangle, so to speak. I’m sure the B&A took a dim view of this!
    The plan was to standard-gauge the road using 56 pound rail, sell off the two foot equipment and use the existing 30 pound rails for sidings and yards .  The Monson stockholders voted to change to standard gauge on December 29th 1886.  Mitchell Construction was contracted to do this work.  They projected construction costs to be less than $20,000 per mile.
   It just so happens that the James Mitchell & Co. of Pittsfield was building the S&M from Pittsfield.  The same Mitchell as involved with the Monson proposal?  Coincidence?
        The booklet goes on to say how rich the area is: 1300 farms, a population of 12,500 people (hard to believe in 1886) and 36 “manufactories”, all of course needing transportation services, creating an estimated 86,300 tons of freight per year .  Their first financial estimate was that they would gross $86,300 in freight and $42,000 in passenger receipts.  They were to increase the capital stock to  $700,000 (!) with 6%interest, which, they figured would be $42,000 per year payment on this debt.  “This leaves over 2/3 of the gross earnings of the road for current expenses” points out the proposal.
   Sounds too good to be true?  It was.  The whole scheme collapsed. Moody says that “several miles of road bed was actually graded south from Monson Jct. toward Wellington 20 miles away” but that was all that was ever done. In Moody’s words “that ended Monson ideas of spanning the world”
   In part 2, lets look at some of the reasons why this may have failed and explore the possible route south to Wellington and the S&M.

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The Monson Blog / Monson Railroad Feels The Competetion

« on: December 08, 2011, 04:46:25 PM »

        November 5, 1912- Supt.Morrill writes to Mr. Geo Houghton PTM  of the Bangor & Aroostook Railroad concerning the number of automobiles in Monson. 
   Morrill states “There are five automobiles owned here and one of these is used for public conveyance.”  Rather terse comment.  Notice he emphasizes the public conveyance part. He goes on to say that he estimates that the Monson Railroad loses “something like 25 fares each week that the railroad would otherwise get if it were not for the automobile.”
   To drive it home a little deeper Mr. Morrill reminds the B&A that “your line would lose the same amount”.
   Henry Ford’s invasion of Monson happened soon after 1908.  By 1912 there were five autos in Monson. So how much loss to the railroad is that in dollars and cents?   According to Bob Jones, the price of a ticket in 1906 was 50 cents, an “unusual high rate” for Maine narrow gauge railroads.  A little math shows that, assuming the ticket cost the same in 1912, the Monson was losing $12.50 each week, really quite a sum for those days. 
         My grandfather probably contributed to this state of affairs as he ran a garage in Monson repairing cars for a short time.  I have documents that auto parts were shipped over the railroad to his business, so he may have made up the difference after all!

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The Monson Blog / Hancock Inspirators vs Sellers Injectors Part 2

« on: December 01, 2011, 07:21:21 PM »

   In the last blog Superintendent Morrill changed his mind on what type of feed water injection system he wanted on the new Vulcan No. 3 which was near completion in Pennsylvania.   He chose the Sellers Injectors over the Hancock Inspirators due to frequent cronic problems with the Hancocks.  But what was wrong with the Hancocks? What’s the difference between an injector and an inspirator?
   This gets a little technical, which probably only the steam crew will love…..    
        An injector has a single chamber with a combined suction and delivery nozzle that creates a vacuum and then discharges a jet of water at high velocity(into the boiler).
        An inspirator has two chambers which are individually adjustable. One chamber has a nozzle for suction, which feeds a second chamber with a nozzle for discharge. The steam supply to each chamber is individually adjustable, although usually “tied” together on the same handle.
         I found several forums where engine crews who have actually used the Hancocks commented on them.
         One of the advantages of the Hancock Inspirator they claimed, is that it delivers water at a higher temperature than an injector.
         However they seem a little harder to get started than an injector but once you “get used to them it is no problem”.
         In their experience with the Hancock, the problem was the mechanical overflow valve. On the Sellers, the overflow either uses a check valve or relies on a gap and fluid flow principles. On the Hancock, the overflow is closed by a linkage to the handle, and it frequently closed before the inspirator had developed a good vacuum and flow. Also when worn, the linkage introduces lost motion. Was this the real trouble with the Monson Hancocks?  Design flaws? According to those in the know, the operator had to be really sensitive with the handle to develop a good flow before completing the handle movement.
         Superintendent Morrill solved the problem in his no-nonsense manner by switching to the Sellers.  Trivia….are the Sellers still on the Monson Vulcans today? Many thanks to Keith Taylor for his assistance on this topic.

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The Monson Blog / Hancock Inspirators vs Sellers Injectors Part 1

« on: November 25, 2011, 09:04:24 PM »

My apologies for not posting on Thursday due to storm related router problems.....here it is today, Friday.....

Hancock Inspirators vs Sellers Injectors Part 1
   The year 1912 saw a lot of correspondence between Vulcan Iron Works of Wilks-Barre PA and Superintendent Morrill.  They were to build a new locomotive for the Monson, as the two original Hinckleys were rapidly wearing out.
   In a letter to G.F. Barnard Gen Mgr of the Monson dated January 15, 1913, (shortly before delivery)  Supt Morrill pointed out to Barnard that Vulcan specified using Sellers Injectors rather than Hancock Inspirators.  However earlier in the negotiations, Morrill changed that to Hancock Inspirators, his reasoning being that since the original engines (Hinckleys No. 1 and No. 2) had the Hancocks “it would be better to have the new ones interchangeable with the old ones.”
   However someone must have been talking to Morrill about changing back to the Sellers, and was successful. The last paragraph of the letter confirms that he had been talking with “those who used the Sellers”, probably not his own engine crews as they were long time employees of the Monson.
In this letter Harold is asking that his decision be reversed and that the new locos come with Sellers injectors.
   Harold went on to state that “We are continually having trouble with the Hancock Inspirators and they always have to be sent to the manufacturer to be repaired, and frequently after being returned to us, they do not work well.”  They currently have two “new ones” which have had to go back after very little use.
   The change was made in the specs for Vulcan No. 3.  But what was wrong with the Hancocks???  What’s the difference between an injector and an inspirator???  More on the next blog…….
   

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The Monson Blog / Coaling at the Junction

« on: November 17, 2011, 12:28:08 PM »

   Opposite  page 148 in the Moody book, there is a picture of the train crew shoveling coal from a gondola on the B&A transfer track into the tank top of  Vulcan# 4.  This is a great action picture and was taken in the later years when Moody visited the road.
   But it wasn’t always that way.   In the earlier years of the railroad, maybe around 1900 when the road converted to coal, a coal shed was built at the south end of the Junction yard.  This structure was 30 feet 8” x 30feet 5”  and was used for storing/transferring coal.
   On the west (B&A) side of the building, standard gauge gondolas of
coal were spotted next to the shed for unloading.  Coal was then unloaded off the gondola cars and into bins in the floor of the shed, and eventually into wheel barrows, all by hand shoveling. Inside there was a series of inclines gradual enough where a loaded (or partially loaded) wheel barrow could be pushed up to the level of the tank tops of the locomotives.  It took  a lot of pushing to do this and it was all hand labor! On the east side of the building there was a dormer which was the end of the incline.  A piece of sheet metal or wooden ramp was placed between the shed and the tank top. The wheel barrow was upended and the coal was sluced down onto the loco tank top. In Gary Kohler’s new Pictoral History of the Monson on pages 28 and 29 there are several pictures of this structure including one of the wheelbarrow being dumped.
   Construction consisted of normal post and beam framing with outside horizontal boards being the only siding. All the pictures I have don’t show any evidence of additional siding such as shingles or clapboards. The B&A side had large hinged “doors” which folded up when transferring coal.  An access door on the east side (Monson) was provided for the engine crews.
   So which was easier?  Shoveling frozen coal from the gondola to the tank top, or shoveling dry coal into a barrow, wheeling up an incline and dumping it.  Certainly in the winter, with Monson in Maine’s snow belt, it must have been hard to shovel frozen coal from a gondola which had been exposed to the weather.  Maybe the crews got fed up with this and built the shed.